In 1917-18, combined British and Arab forces ended over 400 years of Turkis administration in various parts of the Arab world, including Palestine. The nationalities in these territories, stated Wilson in his famous “Fourteen Points” speech of January 1917, “should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development.”
Wilson’s speech was a triumph of international diplomacy, political rhetoric, and policy-making. By putting on the table of open discussion the aims of the USA in entering the First World War, Wilson created a new environment and process for post-war reconstruction. Whilst the European powers were locked in conflict, and had not stated their real agendas for territorial acquisition, reparations to be imposed on Germany, and their intentions for the dismantling of the Ottoman empire, Woodrow Wilson occupied the high moral ground by linking USA involvement to principles of open agreements, free trade, egalitarianism and self-determination rather than the realpolitik of nation-state competition. His speech paved the way for the formation of the League of Nations and the United Nations.
His opponents thought this both reckless and unrealistic. They had kept their war aims secret and their agreements with one another private. Georges Clémenceau, the French leader, on hearing of the Fourteen points, was said to have sarcastically claimed The good Lord only had ten! (Le bon Dieu n’en avait que dix!). But as a propaganda device it was dropped into Germany, and to encourage the Central Powers to surrender in the expectation of a just settlement. As the only public statement of war aims, it became the basis for the terms of the German surrender at the end of the First World War. In 1919 Wilson was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his peace-making efforts.
In regards to the Middle East and Israel’s (and Arab and Armenian) national aspirations, the 12th point implied but did not explicitly state a future recognition of such projects:
XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of an autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
Who knows the real agenda behind such a statement? The 150-strong team of experts who helped draft the statement left it sufficiently unclear that all or none could claim it referred to them, and the occupying powers could claim they were acting in the interests of such ‘nationalities’ when in reality they were consolidating their own power-bases and interests in the region,
Nevertheless, for the future State of Israel, for a Jewish national homeland in Palestine, and for the future development of Jewish believers in Yeshua and the presence of Messianic Jews back in the Land 2,000 years after the birth of the early church, this was a step in the right direction, and gave encouragement to those seeking a return to the Land to make Aliyah. Of course, as Zionist thinkers such as Ahad Ha’am and Haim Arlosoroffwere already aware, it would compound the problems of Jews and Arabs living alongside one another in Palestine, and create the conditions for inter-generational conflict which both the British mandate and the UN Partition plan failed to solve, and contine up to the present day.
Prayer: Lord, the times and seasons of world history are in your hands. You alone allot the nations their territories, and the whole earth is yours. You laugh at the devices and schemes of kings and powers. Your will cannot be overturned, and you will accomplish your purposes for Israel and all nations. In a world that continues to exhibit violent conflict, denial of justice, and lack of freedom of individual conscience, community identity and reconciliation of nations, creeds and faiths, have mercy upon us, we pray. Help us to seek peace and pursue it, to be instruments of reconciliation, and to show the self-giving and sacrificial love of Yeshua to all. In his name we pray. Amen.
President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points
8 January, 1918:
President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world’s peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:
- Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
- Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
- Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
- A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
- The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
- A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
- The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
- Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this programme does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this programme that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, — the new world in which we now live, — instead of a place of mastery.